{"id":7146,"date":"2026-02-04T14:00:55","date_gmt":"2026-02-04T14:00:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/?p=7146"},"modified":"2026-03-25T14:11:42","modified_gmt":"2026-03-25T14:11:42","slug":"interview-nouveaux-regard-with-francoise-robin-for-diasco-tib","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/interview-nouveaux-regard-with-francoise-robin-for-diasco-tib\/","title":{"rendered":"Interview Nouveaux Regard with Fran\u00e7oise Robin for Diasco-Tib"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Interviewed by Jean-Rapha\u00ebl Peytregnet with Fran\u00e7oise Robin<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Jean-Rapha\u00ebl Peytregnet : As a professor and head\u00a0 of the Tibet section at Inalco, you are leading,\u00a0 together with other colleagues, a research project\u00a0 funded by the French National Research Agency\u00a0 (ANR) [1] focusing on the \u201creconfiguration of the\u00a0 Tibetan diaspora.\u201d What do you mean by\u00a0 \u201creconfiguration of the Tibetan diaspora\u201d? How\u00a0 does this \u201creconfiguration\u201d manifest itself in\u00a0 concrete terms?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Fran\u00e7oise Robin for DIASCO-TIB :\u00a0<\/b>That is precisely\u00a0 what our DIASCO-TIB research team, supported\u00a0 by ANR funding, is currently studying, with a\u00a0 particular\u2014though not exclusive\u2014focus on\u00a0 France as a host country. Tibetan exiles do not\u00a0 form a homogeneous group.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

They come from diverse backgrounds: some\u00a0 were born in India to parents or grandparents\u00a0 who were themselves refugees; others were\u00a0 born in Tibet; and still others were born in the\u00a0 West. Among them, some originate from so called \u201cCentral Tibet,\u201d others from Eastern Tibet\u00a0 (the region known as Kham), and others still\u00a0 from Northeastern Tibet (Amdo). Some have followed a religious path, while\u00a0 others are laypeople. Although the vast majority\u00a0 of Tibetans are Buddhists, they may belong to\u00a0 different traditions within Tibetan Buddhism.\u00a0 Some are educated, others are illiterate.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Diversity is intrinsic to any population, but\u00a0 in the Tibetan case one must emphasize\u00a0 significant linguistic diversity.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The Tibetophone world is geographically vast\u00a0 and sparsely populated, and is therefore\u00a0 fragmented into major dialect groups that are\u00a0 not always mutually intelligible orally. To explain\u00a0 this dispersion and diversity, parallels are often\u00a0 drawn with the Romance-language world.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Tibetans in France\u2014whose numbers long\u00a0 remained very limited but have increased\u00a0 significantly in recent years\u2014face a number of\u00a0 questions: do they aspire to reproduce this\u00a0 diversity, to transmit it, or are they instead\u00a0 moving toward standardization?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Similarly, are religious practices becoming more\u00a0 uniform, or do they remain distinct according to\u00a0 family and regional origins? Finally, what kind of\u00a0 \u201cTibetanness\u201d is maintained in France? Will there\u00a0 be dilution over generations, or the preservation\u00a0\u2014and possibly the invention\u2014of a newly shaped\u00a0 singularity in France, with \u201cFranco-Tibetans\u201d or\u00a0 \u201cTibeto-French\u201d? And if so, what will define\u00a0 them? These are the kinds of questions we are\u00a0 asking.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

From what I understand of your work [2], the term\u00a0 \u201cdiaspora,\u201d as applied to Tibetan emigrants living\u00a0 in France or elsewhere, is not accepted by all\u00a0 Tibetans in exile. Could you explain why?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The terminological debate takes place among a\u00a0 small number of Tibetan scholars in the\u00a0 humanities, living in exile and publishing in\u00a0 English. It is difficult to provide a definitive\u00a0 answer, however. In both English and French, the\u00a0 term \u201cdiaspora\u201d has several meanings that vary\u00a0 depending on scholars and evolve over time.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Which definition of \u201cdiaspora\u201d are we referring\u00a0 to? Moreover, the term \u201cdiaspora\u201d itself is not\u00a0 firmly established in Tibetan. Several competing\u00a0 terms exist, and they tend to emphasize exile\u00a0 and refugee status rather than the concept of\u00a0 diaspora as such, clearly showing that the\u00a0 notion is still in the process of being\u00a0 conceptualized.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

One need only consult the online Tibetan\u00a0 terminological dictionary\u2014a dictionary aimed at\u00a0 standardizing neologisms, jointly developed by\u00a0 fourteen major Tibetan institutions in exile (from\u00a0 the academic, cultural, educational, and\u00a0 journalistic spheres, among others), under the\u00a0 aegis of the Tibetan government-in-exile.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The Tibetan language offers no fewer than\u00a0 four translations for \u201cdiaspora.\u201d<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The first is ts\u00e4nch\u00f6l (\u0f56\u0f59\u0f53\u0f0b\u0f56\u0fb1\u0f7c\u0f63\u0f0d), which literally\u00a0 means \u201cforced wandering\u201d and is often used to\u00a0 translate \u201cexile.\u201d The second, y\u00fclgyar (\u0f61\u0f74\u0f63\u0f0b\u0f42\u0fb1\u0f62\u0f0d), can\u00a0 be translated as \u201cgeographical wandering,\u201d with\u00a0 a meaning close to the first term but adding a\u00a0 connotation of disorientation.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The third is chenjor (\u0f56\u0fb1\u0f7a\u0f66\u0f0b\u0f60\u0f56\u0fb1\u0f7c\u0f62\u0f0d), which can be\u00a0 translated as \u201chaving arrived far away,\u201d\u00a0 conveying the idea of uprooting from one\u2019s\u00a0 place of origin. Finally, the fourth, kyabch\u00f6l (\u0f66\u0f90\u0fb1\u0f56\u0f66\u0f0b\u0f56\u0f45\u0f7c\u0f63\u0f0d), combines \u201crefuge\u201d (in the sense of\u00a0 \u201crescue\u201d) and \u201cto entrust oneself\u201d: one entrusts\u00a0 oneself to others as a place of refuge [3].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

However, these terms remain fairly technical\u00a0 and have not truly entered everyday usage, with\u00a0 the exception of the first, which appears in the\u00a0 name of the \u201cTibetan Government-in-Exile\u201d (\u0f56\u0f59\u0f53\u0f0b\u0f56\u0fb1\u0f7c\u0f63\u0f0b\u0f56\u0f7c\u0f51\u0f0b\u0f42\u0f5e\u0f74\u0f44\u0f0b\u0f0d), and the fourth (kyabch\u00f6l), which is\u00a0 commonly used to render \u201crefuge,\u201d \u201cexile,\u201d or\u00a0 \u201casylum.\u201d In short, the very idea of dispersion,\u00a0 which lies at the heart of the concept of\u00a0 diaspora, does not seem to be captured by\u00a0 these neologisms.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

You mention the risk of religious, cultural, and\u00a0 linguistic erosion for second- or third-generation\u00a0 Tibetans born in the 1970s, whose family members\u00a0 first arrived in France in the early 1960s. Why is this\u00a0 risk real?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

To better understand this risk of erosion, we\u00a0 need to take a detour through India. Under\u00a0 Nehru\u2019s initial impulse, India has hosted several\u00a0 tens of thousands of Tibetans since 1959.\u00a0 Moreover\u2014perhaps because it is itself diverse\u00a0 and politically organized as a federation\u2014India\u00a0 understood the need to maintain Tibetan\u00a0 structures and institutions in exile, under the\u00a0 leadership of the so-called \u201cGanden Phodrang\u201d\u00a0 Tibetan government (that of the Dalai Lamas).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Of course, not everything was simple within the\u00a0 Tibetan exile community itself, since, as we have\u00a0 seen, strong regional identities and political\u00a0 allegiances existed, as T. W. Dhompa has\u00a0 recently shown [4]. Nevertheless, the system\u00a0 functioned relatively well.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The situation in France is quite different. The French state does not encourage\u00a0 particularisms, especially among immigrant\u00a0 populations. The risk of language loss is\u00a0 therefore considerable.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Adult members of the Tibetan community\u2014 many of whom are deeply attached to their\u00a0 language\u2014have set up \u201cglottopolitical\u201d\u00a0 initiatives, to use a term proposed by\u00a0 sociolinguist S. Akin [5], such as Tibetan language classes on Wednesdays or\u00a0 weekends.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

According to our preliminary research, around\u00a0 eight hundred children attend these classes.\u00a0 These community initiatives often benefit from\u00a0 local support (municipal provision of rooms,\u00a0 support from associations), but the official\u00a0 request to integrate Tibetan as an option in the\u00a0 baccalaur\u00e9at (third foreign language) has not\u00a0 yet succeeded [6].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Meanwhile, in Tibet itself, \u201clinguistic\u00a0 devitalization\u201d\u2014to use a term proposed by C.\u00a0Simon, a member of the DIASCO-TIB team, in a\u00a0 forthcoming publication\u2014is a real phenomenon.\u00a0 [7].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Cultural and linguistic erosion is not directly\u00a0 linked to the numerical size of a population, but\u00a0 rather to its degree of concentration relative to\u00a0 other populations and to the institutional\u00a0 support it does or does not receive (factors 3\u00a0 and 7 of linguistic vitality according to UNESCO)\u00a0 [8].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Moreover, population circulation between Tibet\u00a0 and France\u2014a factor that could potentially\u00a0 foster cultural transmission in France\u2014is virtually\u00a0 impossible. Tibetans are mostly political\u00a0 refugees and are protected by France; they are\u00a0 not allowed to return to Tibet. Even those who\u00a0 acquired French nationality in the 2000s face\u00a0 major administrative obstacles in obtaining a\u00a0 visa for China. Tibetans living in Tibet, for their\u00a0 part, are largely denied passports by the\u00a0 Chinese authorities and cannot leave the\u00a0 region.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Yet it is often through visits to family members\u00a0 who remained behind that linguistic practice is\u00a0 strengthened, as are transnational family ties.\u00a0 As for remote communication, phone calls and\u00a0 social media used by Tibetans in China are\u00a0 subject to extreme surveillance, and many\u00a0 refugees here have given up calling their\u00a0 relatives [9].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

India, with its Tibetan community of\u00a0 around 60,000 people and its network of\u00a0 Tibetan schools established for refugees,\u00a0 now serves as the main site for linguistic\u00a0 maintenance, with some parents in France\u00a0 sending their children there during school\u00a0 holidays.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

On the religious level, while France hosts many\u00a0 monasteries and centers affiliated with Tibetan\u00a0 Buddhism, religious practice there is adapted for\u00a0 new practitioners and Western converts, and\u00a0 these institutions house very few Tibetan monks\u00a0 or nuns.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This \u201cWestern-style\u201d practice bears little\u00a0 resemblance to what exists in Tibet itself or in\u00a0 monasteries rebuilt in exile, mainly in India.\u00a0 Outside the strictly domestic sphere, Tibetan\u00a0 children are thus cut off from a religious practice\u00a0\u2014gestures, prayers, collective rituals\u2014that\u00a0 shaped their parents and helped constitute\u00a0 them as Tibetans.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Take funerals, for example. When a Tibetan dies,\u00a0 their family lights dozens or hundreds of butter\u00a0 lamps in dedicated places and performs\u00a0 prayers, often collectively. No such place exists\u00a0 here. Tibetans compensate by commissioning\u00a0 rituals in India, Nepal, or Tibet, but these remain\u00a0 remote practices in which the family cannot\u00a0 physically participate.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The domain in which Tibetans in France (and\u00a0 elsewhere in Europe) have succeeded in\u00a0 recreating a familiar environment is food and\u00a0 catering. Tibetan restaurants now abound in\u00a0 Paris, not to mention vendors selling tsampa\u00a0 (roasted barley flour, a staple of Tibetan\u00a0 cuisine), dried cheese, or laphing (cold mung\u00a0bean noodles) in parks or through informal\u00a0 networks. Another domain is the performing arts,\u00a0 which we will discuss later.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

What about the integration or assimilation of the\u00a0 Tibetan community in France? It seems that social\u00a0 pressure exists within the community to encourage\u00a0 endogamous marriages in response to a perceived<\/b>\u2014whether justified or not\u2014demographic threat. Is\u00a0 this the case? Is there not a risk of ghettoization in\u00a0 the opposite direction?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Audrey G. Prost, whose 2003 doctoral thesis\u00a0 examined social change and medicine among\u00a0 Tibetans in Dharamsala (India), wrote: \u201cThe\u00a0 Tibetan exile community [\u2026] strives to maintain\u00a0 an ideal of strict Tibetan endogamy, although in\u00a0 practice marriages with Indians, Nepalis and\u00a0 foreigners do happen and are sanctioned as\u00a0 long as they are seen to be technically\u00a0 hypergamous.\u201d [10].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

According to a survey conducted by our team,\u00a0 Tibetans in France do indeed very frequently\u00a0 marry within the community (for many of them,\u00a0 before their arrival) and often have two or three\u00a0 children. The reason is also practical: migration\u00a0 to France is recent, and few adult Tibetans feel\u00a0 sufficiently comfortable in French to marry\u00a0 someone outside their community, not to\u00a0 mention the fairly marked cultural differences.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

It is also possible that the perception of a\u00a0 civilization and a language under threat\u2014due to\u00a0 the political situation in Tibet under Chinese\u00a0 domination\u2014and the very high esteem Tibetans\u00a0 have for their own civilization encourage\u00a0 marriages between Tibetans, in the belief that\u00a0 such unions make it easier to raise children in\u00a0 Tibetan culture and language, whereas mixed\u00a0 marriages are seen as riskier in this respect.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

One can expect that Tibetan children born and\u00a0 socialized in France will not necessarily pursue\u00a0 this matrimonial strategy.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In any case, the term \u201cghettoization\u201d is certainly\u00a0 too strong for a community that is fairly\u00a0 dispersed geographically, in which both parents\u00a0 mostly work in non-Tibetan environments, and\u00a0 where children generally attend ordinary public\u00a0 schools, with parents placing strong emphasis\u00a0 on academic success.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In your work, you write that \u201cone may assume that\u00a0 the imperative of identity preservation\u2014deeply\u00a0 embedded in the \u2018DNA\u2019 of Tibetans in exile since\u00a0 1959 (the year of the Tibetan uprising in Lhasa and\u00a0 the flight of the 14th Dalai Lama to India)\u2014will\u00a0 persist all the more as the prospect of return (to\u00a0 Tibet) gradually fades.\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/b>How does this \u201cidentity preservation\u201d manifest\u00a0 itself in France? What means does the Tibetan\u00a0 community employ to this end?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In addition to the schools already mentioned,\u00a0 one can point to community festivals\u2014open to\u00a0 all\u2014that punctuate the Tibetan year and are\u00a0 organized by associations in exile.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These include, for example, the lunar New Year in\u00a0 February, the Tibet and Himalayan Peoples\u00a0 Festival in June at the Pagode de Vincennes, the\u00a0 Dalai Lama\u2019s birthday in July, and the\u00a0 commemoration of the Nobel Peace Prize\u00a0 awarded to the Dalai Lama in 1989, held in\u00a0 December.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Events commemorating the 1959 Lhasa uprising\u00a0 on March 10 are also moments of gathering,\u00a0 though of a more solemn nature. Regional\u00a0 associations also organize \u201ctheir\u201d New Year\u00a0 celebrations, as do associations of former\u00a0 students of Tibetan exile schools.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These associations also organize an annual\u00a0 celebration for newly graduated baccalaur\u00e9at\u00a0 students from the community. Finally, a\u00a0 relatively new phenomenon in France\u2014one that\u00a0 may seem anecdotal but is not\u2014is that young\u00a0 (and less young) Tibetans like to gather on\u00a0 Wednesday afternoons and Sundays at the\u00a0 Jardins d\u2019\u00c9ole, in Paris\u2019s 19th arrondissement, to\u00a0 dance the gorshey (Tib.\u00a0\u0f66\u0f92\u0f7c\u0f62\u0f0b\u0f42\u0f5e\u0f66\u0f0d).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These circle dances sometimes attract so many\u00a0 participants that they split into several\u00a0 concentric circles.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These dances are moments of conviviality for\u00a0 Tibetan youth, where Tibetan songs are heard\u00a0 and bodies engage in a \u201cfolkloric\u201d Tibetan\u00a0 choreography, sometimes in traditional Tibetan\u00a0 clothing. In short, it is a way of re-centering\u00a0 body, speech, and mind (to borrow a well\u00a0known Tibetan triad) around a distinctly Tibetan\u00a0 cultural expression in a festive atmosphere.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Alongside the dancers, dozens or hundreds of\u00a0 Tibetans gather\u2014some playing dice, others\u00a0 drinking butter tea, still others selling\u00a0 homemade Tibetan food (laphing, tsampa,\u00a0 dried cheese). An entire micro-society is thus\u00a0 recreated for a few hours, mobilizing all the\u00a0 senses around Tibetan culture: sounds and\u00a0 voices, spectacle, tastes, gestures, and\u00a0 conviviality.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

One might imagine that the Tibetan community in\u00a0 France would settle in mountainous regions such as\u00a0 the Alps or the Pyrenees. Yet it appears to favor\u00a0 Paris and the surrounding region. How do you\u00a0 explain this?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In this respect, Tibetans follow a trend\u00a0 observed within the French population as a\u00a0 whole, which is also highly concentrated in\u00a0 major urban areas (90% of the immigrant\u00a0 population and 82% of the non-immigrant\u00a0 population) [11].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Although originating from High Asia, Tibetans\u00a0 often spend several years in South Asia before\u00a0 arriving in France, if they did not grow up there.\u00a0 For some, life in the Indian plains is more familiar\u00a0 than life in the mountains. Moreover, if they were\u00a0 educated in one of the school networks\u00a0 established in South Asia, they generally have\u00a0 no experience of rural life, except during holiday\u00a0 visits to their parents.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Furthermore, even if they lived in the mountains\u00a0 in Tibet, their way of life there was entirely\u00a0 different. While Tibetans in France still enjoy\u00a0 spending holidays in mountain areas, very few\u00a0 settle there permanently.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In addition, small mountain villages in France\u00a0 are difficult to access, and above all their labor\u00a0 markets are very limited. Like most people\u00a0 today, few aspire to a life as farmers or herders\u00a0\u2014especially given the regulatory environment\u00a0 and professional practices, which are very\u00a0 different from what they may have known in\u00a0 Tibet.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Finally, it is perhaps not widely known that\u00a0 Tibetans arriving in France to seek political\u00a0 asylum come through smuggling networks. To\u00a0 recall, Tibetans do not hold passports, as the\u00a0 Chinese state does not issue passports to\u00a0 Tibetans; Tibetans living in Nepal have no official\u00a0status; and few Tibetans have applied for Indian\u00a0 nationality.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

As soon as they set foot in France, they must\u00a0 repay a significant debt incurred to obtain a\u00a0 fake passport, the visa affixed to it, and the\u00a0 journey itself.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The urgency is therefore to repay this sum as\u00a0 quickly as possible, since interest accrues.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Once they obtain political refugee status\u2014after\u00a0 several months\u2014they can begin working.\u00a0 However, they do not speak French upon arrival.\u00a0 It may seem surprising and paradoxical, but\u00a0 most initially find employment in Chinese\u00a0 restaurants.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

They generally understand Chinese, and for\u00a0 Chinese employers they represent a workforce\u00a0 that is compliant and legally documented. This\u00a0 explains why Tibetans tend to settle in Paris and\u00a0 the surrounding region, or in a few other French\u00a0 cities (such as Strasbourg).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

If you frequent Asian restaurants run by Chinese\u00a0 owners\u2014whether serving Chinese, Japanese, or\u00a0 Korean cuisine\u2014it is not uncommon to\u00a0 encounter Tibetan servers or cooks, even\u00a0 outside Paris, as I have personally experienced\u00a0 on several occasions.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Data published by OFPRA (the French Office for\u00a0 the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons)\u00a0 in early 2024 (for 2023) indicate that nationals of the\u00a0 People\u2019s Republic of China benefit from one of the\u00a0 highest asylum acceptance rates.\u00a0\u00a0<\/b>The majority of these individuals are Tibetans,\u00a0 suggesting strong protection granted by France to\u00a0 asylum seekers of Tibetan origin.\u00a0\u00a0<\/b>Is the same trend observed in other European\u00a0 countries, such as Switzerland, which has also\u00a0 traditionally been a country of asylum for\u00a0 Tibetans?\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The annual public reports of OFPRA classify\u00a0 asylum applications by country of origin, and\u00a0 Tibetans therefore appear in the list under the\u00a0 \u201cChina\u201d section. They are referred to variously as\u00a0 \u201capplicants of Tibetan origin,\u201d \u201cTibetan\u00a0 nationals,\u201d or \u201cChinese nationals of Tibetan\u00a0 origin.\u201d<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The 2024 annual report of OFPRA[12], mentioned\u00a0 in the question, states (p. 66):\u00a0\u00a0\u201cAfghan, Haitian, Ukrainian, Congolese (from the\u00a0 Democratic Republic of the Congo), and Syrian\u00a0 nationals were, in 2024, among the principal\u00a0<\/i>nationalities benefiting from international\u00a0 protection. Moreover, the highest protection\u00a0 rates (75% and above) concerned persons\u00a0 originating from China (Tibetan nationals),\u00a0 Ukraine, and Syria, with Afghanistan coming\u00a0 only afterward (stable at 68%).\u201d\u00a0\u00a0<\/i><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The rate at which refugee status is granted to\u00a0 Tibetans is therefore significantly higher than the\u00a0 figure you mention, and this has been the case\u00a0 for many years.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Switzerland was the first European country to\u00a0 receive Tibetans, welcoming six hundred\u00a0 refugees as early as the 1960s, but a tightening\u00a0 of policy has been observed since 2014. It is now\u00a0 not uncommon in France to encounter Tibetan\u00a0 asylum seekers who were rejected in\u00a0 Switzerland.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Finally, this information would be incomplete\u00a0 without briefly addressing the reasons why\u00a0 Tibetans have been increasingly seeking\u00a0 asylum in France since the late 2000s: many\u00a0 Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal have\u00a0 embarked on a second exile[13].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The primary factor driving their departure\u00a0 from South Asia is linked to the age of the\u00a0 Dalai Lama: born in 1935, he will not\u00a0 always be present to safeguard the interests\u00a0 of his exiled community in India or Nepal\u2014 countries which, it should be recalled, have\u00a0 not ratified the 1951 Geneva Convention\u00a0 nor the 1967 Protocol.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Tibetans are currently well received and\u00a0 tolerated in India, but they fear that once their\u00a0 spiritual leader is gone, such tolerance may\u00a0 become a thing of the past.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Nepal is fairly emblematic of their vulnerability.\u00a0 This country, bordering Tibet, has maintained\u00a0 cultural and commercial ties with Tibetans for\u00a0 over a thousand years (not to mention that the\u00a0 northern Himalayan regions of Nepal are of\u00a0 Tibetan culture). It therefore took in Tibetan\u00a0 refugees beginning in 1959. However, since the\u00a0 fall of the monarchy in 1996, Nepal has gradually\u00a0 come under the influence of the People\u2019s\u00a0 Republic of China and has shown increasing\u00a0 hostility toward Tibetans. Whereas Bouddha\u2014an\u00a0 iconic suburb of Buddhism in the Kathmandu\u00a0 Valley\u2014resembled a small Tibet up until the\u00a0 2000s, over the past two decades it has been\u00a0 abandoned by its Tibetan refugee population,\u00a0\u00a0who have moved on to India or, more often, to a\u00a0 Western country.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

France (like Belgium), having a reputation for\u00a0 offering a favorable environment in which to\u00a0 start a new life, has seen an influx of Tibetans,\u00a0 whereas this has not been the case for\u00a0 Germany, Italy, Spain, or England, where the\u00a0 Tibetan population is small and community life\u00a0 less developed. The United States, once a\u00a0 traditional destination for Tibetan migration,\u00a0 may have become less attractive under the\u00a0 Trump administration\u2019s immigration policy.\u00a0 Canada remains a country of choice, notably\u00a0 because of its already sizeable Tibetan\u00a0 community, particularly in Toronto[14].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]\u00a0https:\/\/anr.fr\/projet-ANR-23-CE41-0017<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[2] \u201cThe double exile of Tibetans: to South Asia, then to the\u00a0 West \u2013 The case of France\u201d in Migrants from Asia, migrants\u00a0 in Asia \u2013 Journeys, memories and accounts of little-known\u00a0 migratory trajectories, edited by Pauline Cherrier, Hui-yeon\u00a0 Kim and Isabelle Konuma, Collections SHS, Marseille, TERRA<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

HN-\u00e9ditions, 2024. Online:\u00a0https:\/\/www.shs.terra-hn editions.org\/Collection\/?Le-double-exil-des-Tibetains-vers l-Asie-du-Sud-puis-l-Occident<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[3]\u00a0https:\/\/tibterminology.net\/dictionary\/\u00a0diaspora\/\u00a0\u00a0https:\/\/tibterminology.net\/dictionary\/displaced-person\/<\/p>\n

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[4] Dhompa, Tsering Wangmo. 2025. The Politics of Sorrow.\u00a0 Unity and Allegiance Across Exile. New York: Columbia\u00a0 University Press.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[5] Akin, Salih. 2022. \u201cGlottopolitics and language self management in situations of linguistic minority: the case of\u00a0 Berber and Kurdish speakers,\u201d Glottopol 36.\u00a0https:\/\/doi.org\/ 10.4000\/glottopol.724<\/p>\n

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[6] Robin, Fran\u00e7oise and Simon, Camille. To be published in\u00a0 2026. \u201cThe Tibetan diaspora faced with a linguistic\u00a0 emergency: glottopolitical initiatives in South Asia and\u00a0 France,\u201d in Coraline Pradeau (ed.), Regional, overseas and\u00a0 minority languages: what are the sociolinguistic\u00a0emergencies? Louvain-la-Neuve: EME Editions. A petition has\u00a0 been launched:\u00a0https:\/\/www.change.org\/p\/tib\u00e9tain-au bac-\u0f56\u0f7c\u0f51-\u0f61\u0f72\u0f42-\u0f67\u0fa5-\u0f62\u0f53-\u0f66\u0f72\u0f60\u0f72-\u0f60\u0f5b\u0f72\u0f53\u00a0-\u0f62\u0f72\u0f58-\u0f21\u0f22\u0f54\u0f60\u0f72-\u0f61\u0f72\u0f42-\u0f62\u0f92\u0fb1\u0f74\u0f42\u0f66\u00a0-\u0f42\u0fb2\u0f66-\u0f66\u0f74-\u0f5a\u0f74\u0f51-\u0f50\u0f56\u0f66-\u0f40\u0fb1\u0f72-\u0f5e\u0f74-\u0f61\u0f72\u0f42<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[7] Simon, Camille. To be published in 2026. \u201cPolicies of\u00a0 linguistic devitalization in China: Tibetan in a linguistic\u00a0 emergency,\u201d in Coraline Pradeau (ed.), Regional, overseas\u00a0 and minority languages: what are the sociolinguistic\u00a0 emergencies? Louvain-la-Neuve: EME Editions<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[8] See the report Vitality and Disappearance of Languages\u00a0 by the UNESCO Special Group of Experts on Endangered\u00a0 Languages (https:\/\/ich.unesco.org\/doc\/src\/00120-FR.pdf).<\/p>\n

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[9] For a study on this barrier to communication between\u00a0 Tibetans in exile and their families remaining in Tibet, see\u00a0 Chinese Transnational Repression of Tibetan Diaspora\u00a0 Communities, written by the Tibetan Center for Human\u00a0 Rights and Democracy (TCHRD)\u00a0https:\/\/tchrd.org\/wpcontent\/uploads\/2024\/02\/Chinese-Transnational Repression-of-Tibetan-Diaspora-Communities.pdf\u00a0in 2024.\u00a0 See also the report by the Swiss Federal Council, Situation of\u00a0 Tibetans and Uyghurs in Switzerland: Report by the Federal\u00a0 Council in response to postulate 20.4333 submitted by the\u00a0 CPE-N on November 9, 2020.\u00a0https:\/\/www.news.admin.ch\/fr\/ nsb?id=104104.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[10] Prost, Audrey G. \u201cExile, Social Change and Medicine\u00a0 among Tibetans in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, India.\u201d\u00a0 Doctoral thesis, UCL (University College London), 2003.\u00a0\u00a0https:\/\/discovery.ucl.ac.uk\/id\/eprint\/10107924\/,\u00a0p. 50.<\/p>\n

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[11] On this subject, see Chantal Brutel, \u201cLa localisation\u00a0 g\u00e9ographique des immigr\u00e9s\u201d (The geographical location of\u00a0 immigrants), Insee Premi\u00e8re, No. 1591, April 2016. Online:\u00a0\u00a0https:\/\/www.insee.fr\/fr\/statistiques\/2121524.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[12] Online at:\u00a0https:\/\/www.ofpra.gouv.fr\/publications\/les rapports-dactivite<\/p>\n

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[13] This process of \u201con-migration\u201d has been studied by\u00a0 Rebecca Frilund, who is affiliated with the DIASCO-TIB\u00a0 program. See, for example, Rebecca Frilund, \u201c(Transit)\u00a0 migration via Nepal and India: Tibetans en route to the\u00a0 West,\u201d Migration Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, March 2019, Pages\u00a0 21\u201338,\u00a0https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/migration\/mnx064.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[14] Logan, J., Murdie, R. 2016. \u201cHome in Canada? The\u00a0 Settlement Experiences of Tibetans in Parkdale, Toronto,\u201d\u00a0 International Migration & Integration 17, 95\u201311. https:\/\/doi.org\/ 10.1007\/s12134-014-0382-0<\/p>\n

*****<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

DIASCO-TIB stands for \u201cDiasporic Convergences: A Case Study of Tibetan Refugees\u201d, a\u00a0 multidisciplinary research project funded by the French National Research Agency (ANR) for the\u00a0 period 2024\u20132028 and led by Professor Fran\u00e7oise Robin, with Camille Simon and Anne-Sophie Bentz. It\u00a0 is hosted by the French Institute for East Asian Studies (IFRAE\/UMR 8043), in partnership with the Centre\u00a0 for Social Science Studies on African, American, and Asian Worlds (CESSMA\/UMR 245) and the\u00a0 research laboratory Languages and Cultures of Oral Tradition (LACITO\/UMR 7107).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

DIASCO-TIB aims to analyze the various patterns of linguistic, spatial, and social convergence at work\u00a0 among Tibetans in exile. The project\u2019s central hypothesis is that, in the context of a \u201cdiasporic\u00a0 moment,\u201d increased spatial dispersion can paradoxically trigger heightened processes of social and\u00a0 linguistic convergence. Rapid migratory trends\u2014from South Asia to Europe and North America\u2014have\u00a0 already led to a large-scale spatial reconfiguration of this diaspora in the 21st century, with France\u00a0 becoming a major hub within the multipolar Tibetan diasporic network. Our research is conducted\u00a0 primarily in France, but also in neighboring European countries as well as in Canada and India.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

DIASCO-TIB examines several domains, including languages and linguistic practices, translocal social\u00a0 and economic networks, forms of collective representation (in political, civic, or artistic spheres),religious practices. Alongside the expected convergences, lines of segmentation will also be observed\u00a0 as they crystallize and reconfigure the shared yet plural linguistic and social practices of the Tibetan\u00a0 diaspora across its diverse contexts of settlement. To learn more about the members of the DIASCO TIB project, please consult the Research Team page. A permanent link to the project summary on the\u00a0 ANR website is available at:\u00a0https:\/\/anr.fr\/Project-ANR-23-CE41-0017.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n

This publication reflects the views and opinions of the individual authors. As a platform dedicated to the sharing of information and ideas, our objective is to highlight a diversity of perspectives. Accordingly, the opinions expressed herein should not be interpreted as those of the Fondation France-Asie or its affiliates.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Interviewed by Jean-Rapha\u00ebl Peytregnet with Fran\u00e7oise Robin   Jean-Rapha\u00ebl Peytregnet : As a professor and head\u00a0 of the Tibet section at Inalco, you are leading,\u00a0 together with other colleagues, a research project\u00a0 funded by the French National Research Agency\u00a0 (ANR) [1] focusing on the \u201creconfiguration of the\u00a0 Tibetan diaspora.\u201d What […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":6885,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","filesize_raw":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[118],"tags":[],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7146"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7146"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7146\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7228,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7146\/revisions\/7228"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6885"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7146"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7146"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fondationfranceasie.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7146"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}