
By Yves Carmona
Elections for the House of Representatives were held on 8 February. This time, the polls were right: Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae won her gamble hands down, with a surprise dissolution and a very tight schedule (16 days of campaigning), even in the eyes of her own party, as there had not been an announcement of a dissolution since 1966 at the opening of the parliamentary session.
She also took the risk of announcing it before the budget debate, which also surprised her party, and she turned it into a referendum on her policies: this resulted in an electoral triumph, even though her popularity rating dropped significantly immediately after the announcement of the dissolution. The result is clear.
In a House of Representatives with 465 members (289 elected by majority vote and 176 by proportional representation), her party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP, conservative), won 310 seats, two-thirds of the seats in the Assembly for the first time since this electoral system was introduced in 1996. This allows the lower house to pass its bills even if they are rejected in the upper house, where the LDP is in the minority.
The LDP no longer even needs an alliance such as the one that has enabled it to govern since September 2025 with the nationalist Japan Innovation Party. The latter, which is well established in Osaka, failed to win any seats ouside of that region. This comfortable situation for the LDP has not been seen since the Second World War. Furthermore, if exit polls are to be believed, young people voted heavily for Ms Takaichi, while the LDP appeared ageing and losing momentum.
However, there was a certain amount of irritation surrounding this election campaign: an election in February takes place in the snow, which happened even in Tokyo and not just in Hokkaido, where it is more common.
Wasn't that precisely the objective, to weaken the opposition? The centrist party was founded on 16 January by the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Komeito Party. Its aim was to unite centrist forces under the slogan ‘Citizens First’, but it suffered a crushing defeat, falling from 167 seats before the elections to 49 seats, a loss of 70%.
Important figures such as the founder of the Constitutional Party, Edano, the veteran leader Ozawa Ichiro, and other executives were defeated one after another. The leaders of both parties, former Prime Minister Noda and Mr. Saito, resigned, taking responsibility for the defeat.
At a press conference early in the morning of the 9th, Mr. Noda stated: ‘This is an enormous responsibility that deserves a thousand deaths.’ It must be said that the alliance, forged just before the elections, between the ‘Constitutional Party’ defending the pacifist Constitution of 3 November 1946, led by Mr Edano Yukio, a former minister several times over, could hardly embody renewal. The alliance between the heir to the Socialist Party and the Komeito (Buddhist Party of Light) certainly confused voters on both sides, leading to this historic setback.
It wasn’t seen since at least 1969, when only the Tokyo governorship was at stake, at a time when the Buddhist party was playing the game of siding with the left!
However, dissatisfaction remains with the LDP, which is regularly accused of campaigning, which in Japan is particularly costly, with hidden money, especially that of the Unification Church (Moon sect), while the majority of citizens see their purchasing power stagnate, at a time when Mr. Trump is striking in all directions, sometimes with an increase in customs duties, his favourite weapon, and sometimes by increasing the already high contribution to defence spending, which is supposed to protect Japan from hostile neighbours (North Korea and China, at the very least), while the US President's inconsistency offers little guarantee of its effectiveness.
Ms Takaichi, for her part, is skilfully promoting economic revitalisation and support for purchasing power (remember that her role model was Mrs Thatcher...).
This is particularly the case with energy: her government has approved the restart of the Kashiwazaki-Kariwa nuclear power plant, the largest in the world, 13 years after the Fukushima disaster, which led to the shutdown of all nuclear power plants, some of which have since been brought back into service.
Revitalisation is also underway in the ‘oil of the 21st century’, semiconductors. The world leader in high-end products, Taiwan's TSMC, is set to invest $12.2 billion in Kumamoto, with the government promising to contribute, according to Ms Takaichi. Artificial intelligence will be the main market for this investment. At the same time, national champion Rapidus is bringing together 30 shareholder companies, led by Softbank and Sony.
One of her strengths is her pragmatism. At the start of the campaign, she promised a review of labour standards, the first since 1987, in response to popular sentiment: a new employee of advertising giant Dentsu had committed suicide due to overwork after working long hours of overtime.
Another strength is that she is a woman, something that had never been seen before. Ms. Tsujimoto, a former socialist leader, has been very complimentary about her tenacity, even though they belong to opposing camps: Ms. Takaishi has broken the ‘glass ceiling’ that weighed and continues to weigh on women in politics.
More generally, the market, temporarily concerned about the continuation of quantitative easing policies that increase public debt, fuel inflation, cause the yen to fall against the dollar and encourage Japanese investors to increasingly invest abroad, and her comments shortly before the start of the campaign when she stated that ‘fiscal policy to date had been affected by the “curse of excessive austerity”’, the market was ultimately very satisfied with the LDP's victory, rising by 3.89% on 9 February.
With regard to supporting purchasing power, which is the number one concern of the Japanese, followed by retirement and security issues, Ms Takaichi announced the abolition of consumption tax on food products and beverages for the next two years.
At the crossroads between foreign and domestic policy, on 23 January, once the election campaign had begun, the government adopted a package of measures to be implemented by the summer concerning foreigners, who numbered 2.57 million in October 2025, an increase of 11.7% over the previous year. The largest group are Vietnamese, followed by Chinese, Filipinos, Nepalese and Indonesians.
They will be liable to stricter rules on land acquisition and nationality status, as well as programmes to study the Japanese language and way of life. Measures will also be taken against ‘overtourism’ with encouragement to broaden the scope of visits.
Diplomacy has not been forgotten. Admittedly, at the end of November 2025, Mz Takaichi fell into the trap set by the leader of the Constitutionalist Party, Noda, a veteran politician: she responded that if Taiwan were attacked, it would constitute an ‘existential’ threat to Japan, which provoked strong reprimands and economic reprisals from Beijing.
Since then, she has pretended to ignore Beijing's displeasure, which has earned her great popularity: finally, a Prime Minister who knows how to stand up to the Chinese authorities, whose anger she then ignored without any immediate consequences.
She also took care to showcase her international stature: she has a good relationship with South Korean President Lee Jae-myung, whom she met on 13 January and with whom she agrees on many issues, from the fight against organised crime to North Korea's nuclear weapons programme. Neither of them publicly expressed what is on everyone's mind: the need to stand up to Beijing's drive for hegemony.
She also met with Ms Meloni on 16 January. Japan and Italy will cooperate on access to critical minerals and space, as well as on liquefied natural gas with Italian giant ENI.
She also made a point of meeting quickly with President Trump and the leaders of South-East Asian countries at the ASEAN summit.
Finally, she received British Prime Minister Starmer on 31 January, and they shared their concerns in the field of security, including economic security, preserving access to critical minerals and launching a cyber security partnership. They shared their views on Chinese intrusions.
Conclusion: A veritable ‘Takaichi fever’, as the press has dubbed it, has swept through the youth.
The first woman to hold the highest office, smiling, friendly, and not afraid to say or claim to say what she thinks, it is striking to note that she inspires sympathy even among the opposition. She may be described as a ‘populist’, but the fact remains that her image of approachability contributes to her success.
What will happen now? According to the mainstream Japanese press, she will form a second government tasked with implementing her promises, including promoting a responsible and proactive fiscal policy, reviewing security policy and strengthening intelligence capabilities.
She will therefore have to maintain a difficult balance between all these objectives. One of the factors contributing to increased spending is the rise in social security expenditure due to the ageing population, and there is little she can do about this.
The cost of repairing ageing infrastructure is also rising, and the reality is that ‘this is expansion rather than austerity’ (government economic officials).
As a result, there is scepticism in financial circles about her success: ‘If public finances to date have been “excessively austere” in Ms Takaichi's eyes, I wonder if her fiscal policy is not quite the opposite,’ said one of the major players in the banking sector, noting that "Japan's indulgence has accelerated further due to the new coronavirus (COVID) disaster. A huge supplementary budget has been prepared, and the scale of spending in 2020 has reached 147.6 trillion yen (nearly 800 billion yen at current rates), the largest ever recorded."
Admittedly, the Japanese are the main subscribers, but a financial crisis cannot be ruled out in the long term...
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A former student of the École Nationale d’Administration (ENA) and a career diplomat, Yves CARMONA spent most of his career in Asia: twice posted as Counsellor for Foreign Affairs in Japan, then as Deputy Chief of Mission in Singapore, and later as Ambassador to Laos and Nepal (2012–2018). In these positions, as well as in those he held in Paris, he focused—drawing also on his background as a student of Japanese—on the rapid transformations of Asian countries and their relations with France and Europe. Now retired, he is committed to sharing his experience with those who may benefit from it.